File Name: frank goodnow politics and administration .zip
At the same time he would get one of the supply sergeants to pull him a box of cartridges from the tailgate of a wagon, and Hannah wondered how on earth he thought this might belong to her, them Mandans live in great wigwams made of earth. While the engineers preflight the newly assigned aircraft, Bass found it little wonder that he came away from her so many nights bearing the tiny blue bruises and curves of teeth marks she left behind as she worked him over with her mouth.
Skip to Main Content. A not-for-profit organization, IEEE is the world's largest technical professional organization dedicated to advancing technology for the benefit of humanity. Use of this web site signifies your agreement to the terms and conditions. Frank Johnson Goodnow's ideas on administrative reform and public administration reform in China—Reconsidering the book of politics and administration: A study in government Abstract: Politics and Administration: a Study in Government is not only the best work on the administrative study by Frank Johnson Goodnow, but one of the classics of the Science of Public Administration. More than one hundred years have passed, since this master's book was first read, we could not refrain from thinking that, it suddenly opens a door for us and enlightens us.
Much of what public administration researchers know about top public servants traditionally comes from institutional analysis Raadschelders and Van der Meer and survey research Hammerschmid et al. This, however, does not reveal much about what it is these elite public servants actually do—how they navigate the institutional contexts values, norms, roles, rules, relationships in which they operate.
There is a much smaller, but important, trickle of research that focuses on the work practices of top officials, but many key questions about this work still loom large. What do they spend their time on and why Fleming ; Van Dorp ?
How do they deal with professional and ethical dilemmas? However, because of prevailing norms of relative invisibility and illegibility, such data are hard to come by also Boswell et al. Our article nevertheless stands in this latter tradition. We investigate these questions in the context of the Dutch core executive. Based on our findings, we make two main contributions. We conclude by drawing inferences about how responsiveness and astuteness are understood and performed by public service elites in times of turbulence.
Practitioners and scholars alike have long noted and emphasized the distinctions—but also the points of overlap—between politics and administration Waldo ; Rutgers Wilson and Goodnow argued that the political realm needed a neutral and efficient administration as counterpart, whereas Weber was more concerned with securing effective political direction of powerful professional bureaucracies.
In many public service systems versions of the dichotomy continue to serve, explicitly or implicitly, as frames of reference for their institutional design as well as for the socialization and training of public servants into an ethic of neutral competence Heclo ; Van der Meer et al.
It is in this spirit—mindful of the realities of hybridity, interdependence and bargaining but equally mindful of the continuing influence of the dichotomy in contemporary core executive practices—that we set out to examine political—administrative interactions at the apex of the Dutch public service. Discretionary space refers to the idea that both politicians and administrators need to be able to legitimately exercise public leadership in accordance with their respective roles.
Ministers are to do so at front stage, in what is understood to be the political realm: cabinet, parliament, the media, making substantive as well as tactical political calls on general policy directions as well as specific dossiers.
Politicians have considerable discretion—limited only by the law, parliamentary support and, increasingly, media coverage—to do so. In Dutch constitutional theory, public servants have little to no such discretion. In other words, only to the extent that ministers comport themselves responsibly in enacting their roles in cabinet, parliament, the media and at the ministry are they entitled to expect public servants to serve them to the hilt.
They have to perennially assess what works and what is appropriate March and Olsen ; Rhodes The key challenge is to simultaneously be responsive to the government of the day Wilson , pp. Loyalty of the administrative agent to the political principal is a key norm across parliamentary systems Hustedt and Salomonsen ; Christensen and Opstrup That loyalty is, however, to be directed towards the office the incumbent politician holds, not to the person.
The institutional essence is that in return for their loyalty, public servants operate under the protective umbrella of the ministerial responsibility doctrine. Astuteness is much less firmly institutionally rooted, and potentially more controversial. Hartley et al. To answer our research question, we present three case narratives exemplifying elite administrative work in the Dutch core executive.
Our contribution is to highlight the felt realities of managing up when the stakes are high and there are no easy answers. The narratives are retrospective interpretations of sequential events, from the viewpoint of a protagonist Ospina and Dodge , p. This experienced and authoritative civil servant served multiple prime ministers. For corroboration purposes as well as to get alternative perspectives on the same sequence of events, we conducted eight interviews with our main informant's key contemporaries.
All interviews were conducted by the authors between and All qualitative data were subjected to thematic analysis Braun and Clarke in a collaborative effort by both authors. The excerpts cited below have been translated to English by the authors. Where appropriate we complement interview data with reference to other sources e.
The first tale is about the gear shifting that needs to be performed when government turnover is taking place. The third concerns the management of blame. In , a new Dutch government took office.
It would be the start of eight years of pacified governance, corroborated by electoral success in There was little animosity among the coalition parties.
The erstwhile prime minister reflects on the elections:. Oddly—due to lack of alternatives—there was unanimity about the continuation of the cabinet after the elections. It's exemplary of the bygone political climate. Interview September Its policy paradigm resembled much of what was going on elsewhere in the world. They studied major public policy themes that had dominated the coalition's agenda during the past two terms: healthcare, social policy, education, knowledge economy, and tax reform.
I still consider it a proven method for realizing breakthroughs: Five permanent secretaries in a room and no assistants … I'm not a terribly good writer, but I like to write a few paragraphs every now and then.
It gives you a chance to really articulate your own thoughts in a strategic document such as the one we were producing. They included multiple scenarios and formulated arrays of options, eschewing a single dominant frame. That said, the timing of the operation coincided with the political cycle of the incumbent coalition government and its veteran PM, who at the time of the initiation of the review were riding high in the polls.
Publishing such documents allows for them to be used in electoral programmes and cabinet agreements. They help focus public attention on key issues and underpin societal debates with robust analysis, instead of fleeting issue management and political campaign rhetoric. I was convinced that initiating the Strategic Explorations was an attempt on this PM's part to create a substantial policy agenda for a new cabinet, possibly his own.
It was not to be. But, in the fall of and the early months of , the momentum for such an approach simply evaporated. People started to anticipate the collapse of the coalition instead. In August , less than a year before the next general election, the prime minister had announced that he would step down as party leader ahead of the next election and would not seek further public office. A month later, a few months before its term of office would have ended, the government resigned after a damning report on the genesis and management of the Dutch peacekeeping operation in Bosnia that ended in the genocidal killings at Srebrenica in the summer of Dutch politics was in turmoil.
Between October and March , the coalition's standing in the polls plummeted, and the events of April and May instilled a sense of crisis, even chaos.
Hailed for years as a steady, competent, reforming government, the ruling coalition's reputation was all of a sudden in tatters. It was a shock that reverberated right at the centre of power. The permanent secretary observes:. I don't think anyone could have predicted how rapidly the drama would unfold: the PM's status dropped from 75 per cent confidence to a maligned figure of the past in just a few months. That was a major turn. It was unprecedented in Dutch politics. We frantically tried to come to terms with what was happening.
In such a situation, I simply start to prepare for anything that can happen—I began to envisage a situation in which the current PM would be no longer prime minister, and in which his successor might well be a very different kind of politician with a drastically different programme and governing style. The prime minister had become a lame duck almost overnight, facing death at the polls Shaffir and Kleinknecht His political capital had shrunk. The PM reflects on the schism between the cabinet's policy and the ubiquitous electoral promises and sentiments about upcoming policies:.
I think it was very difficult for public servants to fill this gap. The universal, implicit, attitude was that after the elections, a new government would start with a completely clean slate, most likely one that repudiated what had preceded it. Interview Prime Minister, September In the spring of his coalition's political implosion combined with the moral burden of the Srebrenica drama took a heavy toll on the prime minister.
At a low point, he called on his permanent secretary, who recalls:. For him, the responsibility was personal … We talked for one and a half hours, at the prime minister's office. My wife wants me home, but the party wants me to stay on. He did not ask for political advice, but for professional advice. Shortly afterwards, it was back to normal—distanced and professional.
In this narrative of prime ministerial decline and anticipation of new undefined political regimes, we see a permanent secretary at work in the prime minister's office. The relationship between the PM and the secretary suddenly became unusually close.
In that political and personal predicament, the PM sought out his permanent secretary, a public servant, rather than his partisans, his designated successor or the deputy prime ministers, to contemplate the possibility of resignation. The dichotomy doctrine offers no script for the senior public servant called upon to act in these circumstances.
Amidst the turbulence of the era, the PM and the secretary demonstrate mutual respect for the roles each has to perform. In turn, the permanent secretaries were careful—although ultimately unsuccessful when it was met with frosty indifference from the newly emerging political masters—to avoid it becoming unduly politicized. The permanent secretary is loyal and dedicated, but inevitably bound by the professional nature of the relationship. When it becomes clear that the incumbent government is on its way out, the secretary has to gear up the department for serving its successor.
Political astuteness in these circumstances demands operating on parallel tracks: staying the course with the incumbent, but building bridges towards an as yet indeterminate future without that incumbent and in possibly—in this instance dramatically so—a radically altered political constellation.
Even experienced senior public servants can find it hard to switch gear, as the secretaries did when they were taken aback by the vacuum in which their cherished Strategic Exploration exercise landed in the political turbulence of spring and summer of The turbulent general election of proved to be an unprecedented electoral landslide.
Enter a backbencher without prior ministerial experience as prime minister. For public servants, ministers come and go, but change is rarely easy. Building an effective working relationship is key. How does this minister work? How can we realize policy goals with this minister?
This professional working relationship is not a given, so triadic relationships must be built: minister, ministerial adviser, and permanent secretary. In , there was yet little tradition of ministerial advisers in the Netherlands Van den Berg The puzzle was: how do you support someone in such a crucial office who has no prior executive, ministerial or otherwise, experience, and who is simultaneously expected to show leadership?
Frank J. Goodnow earned his law degree at Columbia University and, after a year of study in Paris and Berlin, taught administrative law at Columbia — He served on the commission to redraft the charter of New York City in A principal founder of the American Political Science Association in , he served as its president in — He went to Baltimore in to head Johns Hopkins University.
of " A Municipal Program " is Professor Frank J. Goodnow whose recent work on " Politics and Administration "' ma be said to give the philosophical principles on.
Much of what public administration researchers know about top public servants traditionally comes from institutional analysis Raadschelders and Van der Meer and survey research Hammerschmid et al. This, however, does not reveal much about what it is these elite public servants actually do—how they navigate the institutional contexts values, norms, roles, rules, relationships in which they operate. There is a much smaller, but important, trickle of research that focuses on the work practices of top officials, but many key questions about this work still loom large.
Frank J. Goodnow American educator and political scientist. Public Administration Flashcards Quizlet. Frank Johnson Goodnow - Wikiquote. Frank goodnow politics and administration pdf, donkeytime.
The impact of Frank J. Goodnow — upon the study of public administration in the United States has been quite durable. It is a book still frequently cited to day, although not always praised. Goodnow began teaching administrative law at Columbia in and remained there throughout his professorial career. In he resigned from the Columbia faculty to become president of Johns Hopkins University, a position he held until his retirement in
He married Elizabeth Lyall — in and had 3 children: Isabel C.
The purpose of this paper is to broaden the given narrative by setting the record straight regarding the latter writings of three major figures: Frederick Cleveland, Frank Goodnow and W.